Thank You for Smoking: Abd al-Ghani Al-Nabulsi and the Ottoman Tobacco Controversy

A seventeenth-century Muslim intellectual's staunch defense of smoking sheds light on the practice's connection to modernity and the concept of recreation

A man smoking a water pipe from Jerusalem, 1875, photo by English photographer Frank Mason Good (1839-1928), the National Library of Israel collections

The Middle East is in love with cigarettes. Even as tobacco use is declining globally, in Beirut, Cairo, and Riyadh — as well as in Tel Aviv — smoking remains widespread, and in some countries is even increasing. According to a recent report, Jordan, for one, has one of the highest rates of tobacco consumption in the world: more than 80% of Jordanian men are regular smokers, averaging 23 cigarettes a day.

Although tobacco seems woven into the fabric of daily life in the region today, it was not always so. When tobacco, native to the new world, was first introduced in the Ottoman Empire in the mid-sixteenth century, it was the topic of fierce disagreement. Was tobacco healthy or harmful? Is smoking permissible in Islam, or should it be forbidden?

Preachers, poets, religious leaders, and government officials all weighed in on the debate. But one of the most prominent voices belonged to Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, a unique figure and an influential Damascene scholar, mystic, and intellectual. Al-Nabulsi wrote a treatise in praise of smoking, Al-ṣulḥ bayn al-ikhwān fī ḥukm ibāḥat al-dukhkhān (“Making peace between brothers on the issue of legalizing smoking”); a 1774 manuscript of the book, copied from the author’s own handwritten version, is just one of the many works by al-Nabulsi in the collection of the National Library of Israel. How did this reclusive Sufi come to be one of tobacco’s main defenders?

The opening page of Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi’s 1682 defense of smoking Al-ṣulḥ bayn al-ikhwān fī ḥukm ibāḥat al-dukhkhān, the National Library of Israel collections

When tobacco first came to the Middle East via Europe, it was considered an innovative medical treatment for everything from burns to poisoning. However, by the first decade of the seventeenth century, as more and more men and women took up recreational smoking, resistance to the practice also increased. One of the basic issues that tobacco faced, from a religious perspective, was that, as a novel product, it was not mentioned in the Quran, the hadith literature about the Prophet Muhammad and his sayings, or in the authoritative codes of Islamic law.

In the face of this silence, tobacco’s numerous opponents pounced. Reasoning from analogy–qiyas, a common method in Islamic jurisprudence–they argued that tobacco could be compared to that other prohibited substance, alcohol. Tobacco, critics argued, produced similar intoxicating effects, as exemplified by the dizziness suffered by new smokers.

People resting and smoking at a roadside stall near Jerusalem, photo by English photographer Frank Mason Good (1839-1928), the National Library of Israel collections

Other than such scriptural arguments, critics claimed that tobacco was detrimental to health: reducing strength, causing bad breath, and dulling the senses. Smokers also were dirty, their clothes covered in smudges and ash. What’s more, this physical contamination, it was claimed, was accompanied by an even more dire moral impurity. Smoking caused idleness, and its newness– “deviating innovation” (bid‘a in Arabic)– was taken as inherently threatening. As James Grehan has written in a comprehensive article on the subject:

In the most extravagant visions, the fire and smoke that accompanied the act of lighting a pipe conjured up hellfire and eternal damnation. Critics warned that smokers would appear on the Day of Judgment with blackened faces and hookahs hung around their necks; until that time, they would burn in their graves, like the tobacco in their pipes.

The opposition to tobacco was not limited to intellectual circles and the arguments of the learned. The Ottoman authorities made numerous attempts to prohibit and confiscate tobacco. Though ultimately unsuccessful, these crackdowns were accompanied by brutal and bloody enforcement of the rules.

Nabulsi did not start out as smoking’s premier champion. Born in Damascus in 1641 to a family originally from Jerusalem, al-Nabulsi was a prolific Sufi mystic and scholar who authored over 250 works. Extremely wide-ranging in his interests and expertise, al-Nabulsi wrote commentaries on books by earlier mystics, especially the thirteenth century master Ibn Arabi, as well as poetry, travelogues, books on architecture and agriculture, and law. In his lifetime and for more than a century after his death, al-Nabulsi remained profoundly influential, both through his writings and a wide circle of students. It is no wonder then that the National Library houses manuscripts of twenty-six of his works, as well as several others that he himself copied or owned.

A late nineteenth century manuscript of Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi’s agricultural treatise “‘Ilm al-malāḥa fī ‘ilm al-falāḥa,” the National Library of Israel collections.

Al-Nabulsi defended smoking against its detractors on multiple fronts; while he only became a smoker himself during the course of his travels to Mecca over a decade later, his arguments were already forceful and fully formed when he composed the book in 1682.

Concerning health, al-Nabulsi denied that there was a link between smoking and illness, and argued that the physicians who prescribed tobacco as a remedy knew their business much better than critics untrained in medicine.

In fact, his book on smoking opens with just such medical arguments. In the first lines of the composition, al-Nabulsi praises God that tobacco is good for the body: drying the humors, removing phlegm, helping the intestines digest food, improving the mind, and all kinds of other benefits. “Apart from these, its usefulness against poison has been demonstrated in the medical literature,” he adds, “especially against the poison of the scorpion.”

But his more interesting arguments touched on tobacco’s status in Islamic law. He countered the claims of those who dismissed tobacco as a “deviating innovation,” saying that they were deluded by prejudice, ignorance, and knee-jerk conservatism. Al-Nabulsi writes that he chose to author the treatise not because he likes smoking or in order to join the debate on tobacco for its own sake, but rather to find the truth of the issue. He rejects the use of qiyas by those who argued against tobacco, and says if no scriptural source explicitly bans the substance, it should be permitted. While the context here only concerns the permissibility of smoking, the distinction between the truth and the law, and between the sublime mystics who perceive the former and the more limited doctors of the law who deal with the latter, is a central and recurring theme of al-Nabulsi’s thought.

At heart, and fascinatingly, al-Nabulsi’s arguments amount to a defense of a value that to us is quite familiar, but which was then a new and radical concept: fun. In making room for smoking, Nabulsi was also arguing that greater space be given to private life and private enjoyment, so long as it did not explicitly violate the strictures of Islamic law.

To a great degree, al-Nabulsi was following in the wake of social changes that were already underway. Tobacco, like coffee before it, became so popular precisely because it was convivial, encouraging conversation and the blurring of social boundaries; this was especially true in the coffeehouse, where members of different classes could meet, relax, and talk, their gatherings fueled by the stimulants in their smoke and drink. Writing on the cusp of modernity, al-Nabulsi was defending not just smoking but a central part of what it meant to be modern itself.

Abraham the Pilgrim: An Islamic Perspective

A look at the figure of Abraham the Patriarch in the Islamic tradition, with the help of manuscripts from the National Library of Israel's Islam and Middle East Collection

A prophetic and heroic genealogy including an illustration of Abraham, from a Turkish translation of the 13th century cosmological text, the "ʿAcāʾib ül-maḫlūḳāt ü ġarāʾib ül-mevcūdāt", the National Library of Israel collections

Everyone thinks they know the story of Abraham, the biblical patriarch. The first monotheist, he left his father’s house and followed God’s command to go to the Promised Land. His wife Sarah was barren and he had a child, Ishmael, with his handmaiden Hagar; Sarah later forced the mother and son into exile. God revealed to him that he would be the forefather to a great nation, and Sarah gave birth to Isaac. God then asked the father to sacrifice his son, a ritual killing only narrowly averted by last-minute angelic intervention.

For Jewish and Christian readers of the book of Genesis—and later commentaries on those stories—Abraham is one of the best-known biblical figures. However, Abraham and his stories also have another life. In the Quran, where he is mentioned in some 245 verses, and the vast commentary literature on the pre-Islamic prophets, known as “stories of the prophets” (qissas al-anbiya), Abraham plays a central role as founding monotheist, forefather, and forerunner to the Prophet Muhammad.

The Quran calls Abraham khalil Allah, the friend of God (and the source of the Arabic name al-Khalil for the city of Hebron) and hanif, a term that distinguishes Abraham from the idol-worshipping polytheism into which he was born; Muhammad is called by the same term. Like the Bible, the Quran also relates the accounts of Abraham’s setting out for a new land, his covenant with God, the announcement of the birth of Isaac in his old age, and his attempted sacrifice of his son—though in the Quranic story it is unclear which son is the sacrifice, and later commentators disagree whether the story refers to Isaac or to Ishmael.

A folio from a 1601 Indian manuscript of the Quran showing Surat al-Baqarah, verse 257, which mentions Abraham, the National Library of Israel collections

But there is a twist: the Quran also includes tales that do not appear in the biblical tradition at all. Many of those stories are woven into one of the most important Islamic rituals: the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, known as the hajj.

Every year, the hajj brings millions of Muslims from across the globe to the sacred sites in Mecca, the city of the Prophet Muhammad’s birth where he received his first revelations. The order of the rituals – known as manasik and celebrated during the pilgrimage – was fixed by the prophet himself. When believers today circle the Ka‘ba, the “House of God” that is the holiest site in Islam and which Muslims face in their prayers, they are following the example of the prophet when he took part in his first and only hajj in 630 CE, just before his death.

But they are also following in the footsteps of Abraham. While stories about Abraham’s role in the hajj actually predate Islam, and were part of the pilgrimage to the Ka‘ba, an ancient site of worship, long before the Prophet Muhammad, the Quranic revelation canonized those tales as part of the new religion.

Illustration of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, including the Ka’ba and the Maqam Ibrahim, from the 1643 Turkish poem on pilgrimage rituals, the menāsik ül- ḥacc, the National Library of Israel collections

The Quran tells us that Abraham and Ishmael built the Ka‘ba and purified it. As Quran 2:125 states:

 

And [remember] when We made the House a place of visitation for mankind, and a sanctuary. “Take the station of Abraham as a place of prayer.” And We made a covenant with Abraham and Ishmael, “Purify My House for those who circumambulate, those who make retreat, and those who bow and prostrate.

 

The station or place of Abraham (maqam Ibrahim) mentioned in the verse is located inside the Grand Mosque in Mecca near the Ka‘ba. The spot, where pilgrims pray as one of the hajj rituals, is marked with a stone that tradition states bears Abraham’s footprint. Commentators have relayed a number of versions of how Abraham’s footprint became embedded in the stone: that he stood on the stone when building the upper walls of the Ka‘ba, or that he stood there when calling on all humanity to perform the pilgrimage, or that Abraham himself prayed on the stone. Some commentators, like the historian of Mecca Al-Azraqi (d. 834), say that Abraham and Ishmael did not just build the Ka‘ba but performed all the hajj rituals, just as they are done today.

The story of Hagar and Ishmael, one of the most plaintive in the Bible, is closely connected to the hajj as well. According to the eminent medieval historian al-Tabari (839-923), after Sarah forced out Hagar and Ishmael, the angel Gabriel directed Abraham to lead them to the future site of the Ka‘ba, which was then a barren hill of clay.

Illustration of the hills of Safa (top) and Marwa (bottom), from the 1643 Turkish poem on pilgrimage rituals, the menāsik ül- ḥacc, the National Library of Israel collections

After Abraham left the mother and infant son behind, Ishmael became thirsty, but there was no water to be found. Desperate, Hagar thought she heard the sound of running water on the nearby hill of Safa, but found nothing; she thought she heard a sound on the hill of Marwa, too, but found nothing. After running back and forth between the hills, located just a few hundred meters from the Ka‘ba, she came back to Ishmael and found him sitting in water that had miraculously burst forth from an underground spring.

This story, told in other versions as well, is meant to explain the hajj rituals of sa‘y, “running” back and forth seven times between the two hills—a ritual now conducted in a covered corridor with designated lanes for forward and back—and drinking the waters of the Zamzam spring.

Rooting the hajj rituals in the life of Abraham connects Muslims—historically and today—in an unbroken chain to the purest, most authentic, and ancient monotheistic traditions. That is part of the reason why the experience of the hajj is so powerful for those who take part in it. Muslim children around the world grow up with these stories, “internalizing their geography as a personal landscape whose contours and history define who they are,” as contemporary thinker Ziauddin Sardar has written (Mecca: The Sacred City, London: Bloomsbury, 2014). During the hajj the geography of those narratives transcendently comes to life.

 

This article is part of the Maktoub digital Islamic manuscripts project at the National Library of Israel.  Supported by the Arcadia Fund, Maktoub will provide free, global access to more than 2,500 rare Arabic, Persian, and Turkish manuscripts and books preserved at the Library, and to the stories behind their creation.

 

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The Ka‘ba of the Heart: The Hajj in Islamic Mysticism

Rumi, Ibn Arabi, and the radical Sufi conception of religion

An illustration of the Prophet's Mosque in Medina (left) and the Holy Mosque in Mecca (right). From an 18th century Ottoman Turkish manuscript of the Sufi prayerbook Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, the National Library of Israel collections

Sometime in the mid-ninth century CE, a Sufi initiate named Bayazid set off by foot from his home in north-central Iran toward Mecca, aiming to complete the hajj pilgrimage to the holy city—a journey of almost 2,500 kilometers. In every town and village through which he passed along the way, he sought out local mystics and saints, hoping to find his own true master. Finally, in an unnamed town, Bayazid encountered a poor, blind Sufi hunched with age. The sage asked him of his plans, and Bayazid told him he aimed to complete the hajj.

“Just walk around me seven times instead; that’s better than the hajj,” the old sheikh replied,

Complete your hajj thus! Reach your journey’s end! You’ve run to Safa, entered purity; you’ve done the Umrah; live eternally! He judges me much loftier, I swear, than that mere house of His. Let us compare: That Ka‘ba is the home of piety, but I contain His deepest mystery; inside the Ka‘ba no one’s ever stepped and my pure heart none but God will accept; when you have seen me, you have seen God too; You’ll circle then the Ka‘ba that’s most true.

 

The story of the sheikh who tells Bayazid, ‘I am the Ka’ba, so circumambulate me!'” from Jalal al-Din Rumi’s Sufi poem the Masnavi-ye Man’ai. From a 17th century Ottoman manuscript, the National Library of Israel collections

This story, taken from Jalal al-Din Rumi’s mystical epic the Masnavi-ye Man’ai (meaning the “spiritual couplets,” in Jawid Mojaddedi’s award-winning English translation) seems at first confounding. Rather than complete the pilgrimage to Mecca, a ritual duty every able-bodied and financially sound Muslim is expected to perform at least once, the mysterious sheikh tells Bayazid to abandon his journey. Instead of tawaf, the circumambulation of the Ka‘ba that is a central feature of the pilgrimage, the saint says to circle him; instead of running (sa‘y) between the two hills of Safa and Marwah, likewise an ancient part of the hajj (as well as any pilgrimage, called an umrah, performed outside the month of Dhu al-Hijja) the saint says he has already completed his task.

For Muslims throughout history until today, the journey to Mecca has been a lifelong goal, the height of spiritual fulfillment, and the holy city’s transcendental geography a constant source for contemplation. Is the sheikh—and, by extension, Rumi—advocating blasphemy?

Part of the answer lies in the fact that the Bayazid around whom Rumi weaves this fiction—just one of the thousands of stories that make up the Masnavi, whose importance in Islam is testified to by its sobriquet, “the Quran in Persian”—is none other than Bayazid Bestami (d. 874) one of the most important figures of early Sufism. While little is known of Bayazid’s life, in part because he was a recluse who left no written work behind, his bold, ecstatic sayings have been preserved. His fame rests on those sayings, which can strike readers today, who may have preconceived notions of Islam as conservative, strict, and legalistic, as surprising as the old sheikh’s instructions in Rumi’s story. Among others, Bayazid is reported to have said “Glory be to Me! How great is My majesty!” and to have otherwise compared himself to God, to declare that the Ka‘ba circumambulates him, and to have replied to the muezzin’s call to prayer of “God is great!” with the answer “I am greater!”

An illustration of a Sufi gathering, from a 17th century Indian manuscript of the collected works of Persian poet Khaqani, the National Library of Israel collections

Bayazid’s statements are not a sign of madness or nihilistic atheism. Instead, Bayazid sought to express the experience of the individual consciousness becoming truly obliterated in the divine. The fact that Bayazid upends even the centrality of the Ka‘ba, the House of God that descended from heaven and toward which Muslims turn during prayer, makes his statement all the more powerful. Rather than transgressing Islam, Bayazid, and Rumi after him, is imagining an alternative spiritual interpretation of the religion, based on the transcendent and transformative knowledge of the unseen: that is, “the roots of the sources of the principles of the religion,” as Rumi described his Masnavi in the introduction to the work. It was not always the case, however, that such statements did not come with repercussions; Mansour Hallaj (d. 922) was executed, some scholars believe, for making just such statements.

The hajj, as well as Bayazid, plays a similarly prominent role in another central work of Islamic mysticism. Ibn Arabi (1165-1240), known as al-shaykh al-akbar, the greatest master, was born in Murcia in Muslim Al-Anadalus (modern-day Spain). A Sufi saint and prolific writer, he embarked on the hajj in 1201 and remained in Mecca for three years. While there, he began his most famous work, the Futuhat al-Makkiya (Meccan revelations). The thirty-seven volumes of the complex and deeply-layered book contain numerous ecstatic visions; in one, from chapter seventy-two, the Ka‘ba “raises its skirts” and rises up from its foundations, threatening Ibn Arabi and attempting to block his circumambulation. Just as the Ka‘ba, imagined as a young girl and addressed as “she,” is ready to jump, Ibn Arabi utters a poem of praise and the structure returns to its normal, fixed state. In thankfulness and humility at his deliverance, Ibn Arabi then composes eight love letters to the Ka‘ba, collected in the Taj al-Rasa’il wa-Minhaj al-Wasa’il (The Crown of Epistles and the Path to Intercessions).

The opening page of a late 17th century copy of Awrad al-Asbu’a, a collection of 14 devotional daily prayers authored by Sufi philosopher and mystic Ibn Arabi, the National Library of Israel collections

For Ibn Arabi as for other mystics, the Ka‘ba and the hajj are part of a symbolic system. The physical structure in Mecca represents the heart where the self and God truly reside; the journey to the true heart supersedes the journey to the physical heart, the Ka‘ba. As Ibn Arabi writes (in Stephen Hirtenstein’s translation):

 

When God created your body, He placed within it a Ka‘ba, which is your heart. He made this temple of the heart the noblest of houses in the person of faith. He informed us that the heavens… and the earth, in which there is the Ka‘ba, do not encompass Him and are too confined for Him, but He is encompassed by this heart in the constitution of the believing human. What is meant here by “encompassing” is knowledge of God (Futuhat ch. 355).

 

Nevertheless, the physical Ka‘ba demands respect—as Ibn Arabi terrifyingly learned—precisely because coming face-to-face with the Ka‘ba is coming face-to-face with the self: the most clarified self that is a locus for the manifestation of the divine. The rituals of the hajj are a tool for achieving this revelation and the geography of the sacred city is a map pointing towards it.

An illustration of the Holy Mosque in Mecca (right) and the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina (left). From an 18th century Indian manuscript of the Sufi prayerbook Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, the National Library of Israel collections

It is no wonder then that Muslims throughout the ages have made and used images of Mecca as a means of spiritual inspiration. The NLI collection contains numerous manuscript copies of a fifteenth century collection of blessings for the Prophet Muhammad known as the Dala’il al-khayrat wa-shawariq al-anwar fi dhikr salat ‘ala nabi al-mukhtar (“The Signs of Benefits and the Brilliant Bursts of Light in the Recitation of Prayers on the Chosen Prophet”). Composed by the Sufi mystic Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Jazuli (d. 1465), it was one of the most popular Muslim prayer manuals, with copies originating from Indonesia to Morocco. Many manuscripts of the text contain two illustrations: one of Mecca, including the Ka‘ba and other sacred sites, and the other of Medina, the location of the Prophet’s mosque. The images, from different times and places and composed in different styles, reflect the chronological and cultural diversity of the Muslim world. However, at the same time they speak to a shared and unifying desire: to approach the Ka‘ba in order to transcend the Ka‘ba and thereby to find one’s true self.

 

This article is part of the Maktoub digital Islamic manuscripts project at the National Library of Israel.  Supported by the Arcadia Fund, Maktoub will provide free, global access to more than 2,500 rare Arabic, Persian, and Turkish manuscripts and books preserved at the Library, and to the stories behind their creation.

 

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The Hejaz Railway: The Train That Connected an Empire

These rare photos offer a glimpse of a monumental Ottoman project, designed to transport "hajj" pilgrims and unite a vast Islamic realm

Construction on the Hejaz Railway, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel

One black and white photograph shows train cars crossing a low, arched brick bridge in the midst of a desert, passing from nowhere to nowhere between sand and sky. In another, a line of workmen stand next to just-laid tracks. A third picture has been taken from inside the moving train, its shadow falling on the ground. Rails curve into the distance under the hulking presence of a massive desert rock.

These enigmatic photos are part of a one-of-a-kind album housed in the archives of the National Library of Israel. The album includes sixty-eight photographs taken in 1907 by Karl Lorenz Auler, with accompanying handwritten captions, of the famed Hejaz Railway. Stretching between Damascus and the Hejaz region of the Arabian Peninsula, the site of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, and with a branch line to Haifa, the railway was built by the Ottoman Empire between 1900 and 1908 to connect these far-flung regions of its realm. Auler’s photos are important evidence of the construction in progress.

 

A railway bridge on the Hejaz Railway line, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

But what was Auler, a decorated Prussian military general, doing inspecting the Hejaz Railway for the Ottoman sultan? And how did the album end up here at the National Library?

The annual pilgrimage to Mecca, known as the hajj, is one of the most important rituals in Islam, a transformative and transcendental spiritual journey that every able-bodied and financially sound Muslim is obligated to perform at least once during his or her life. When the Prophet Muhammad made his first and only hajj in 630 CE, a few years before his death, he traveled by caravan and on foot across the desert from the first Islamic capital in the city of Medina, just over 400 kilometers away. But as the Islamic empire rapidly expanded over the next century, such journeys became longer and more dangerous. Disease and exhaustion were commonplace and bandits would regularly attack as pilgrims made their way through the desert.

Fortifications and a cistern at El-Mu’assem, near the Hejaz Railway line, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

In order to minimize these dangers, during the Middle Ages most pilgrims joined organized camel caravans that traveled on set routes. The caravans from the southern Iraqi city of Kufa, from Cairo, and from Damascus were the most important of these. The introduction of the steamship in the mid-nineteenth century eased the rigors of the journey, especially for pilgrims traveling from India, then under British colonial rule, and points east. However, this greater mobility directly contributed to the rise of a global pandemic. Cholera, native to India, was carried to Mecca by a hajj pilgrim in 1863, and from there spread worldwide. In alarm, European colonial powers imposed strict quarantine regimes on those arriving in and, especially, leaving Mecca.

Railroad cars traveling on the Hejaz Railway line, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

Bypassing these quarantines, and confronting European colonialism more generally, was a major impetus behind the construction of the Hejaz Railway. In the decades leading up to Emperor Abdulhamid II’s announcement, on May 1, 1900, of his intention to build the line, the Ottomans had lost almost all of their formerly extensive territories in southern Europe. French, British, and Russian interests were vying to break up the empire further, and to expand their rule into its heartland in the Middle East. At the same time, the Ottoman State was deeply indebted to European financiers, and had to rely on European creditors to fund their infrastructure and modernization efforts, including the construction of other railways to connect the vast empire.

Inauguration of the al-‘Ula Station, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge
Camel unit parade at the al-‘Ula Station inauguration, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

On all these counts, the Hejaz Railway was to be different. While the line had little economic benefit—indeed, it only functioned regularly during the hajj season—it had numerous political and religious goals. The project was financed entirely by Muslims, and donations for the “sacred line” were collected around the world. This widely-publicized fact, as well as the construction itself, burnished Abdulhamid II’s power and his pan-Islamic image as the sole independent Muslim ruler confronting European interests. In addition to easing the rigors of the hajj itself, the line would also ensure that the Ottoman military could swiftly deploy troops and supplies to protect shipping in the Red Sea and to defend against colonial expansion and moves towards autonomy by local leaders, especially in Mecca.

Poor pilgrims on their way to Mecca, beg for permission to take the train, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

 

Local Bedouin and a railway worker at Wadi al-‘Ula, near the Hejaz Railway line, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

 

A Bedouin man offers an ostrich for sale next to the newly laid Hejaz Railway, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

While the railway was designed to showcase Ottoman leadership, German engineers and advisors were crucially involved in the railway’s planning and construction. This role built on a decades-long relationship of military and economic cooperation; for a host of reasons, Abdulhamid saw Germany as the empire’s preferred European partner.

It was in this context that Karl Auler became connected to the project. Auler, born in 1854, was a Prussian infantry general who, like many other officers, served as a military adviser to the Ottomans between 1901 and 1908. Appointed to the rank of major general by Abdulhamid, “Auler Pascha,” as he was known, was sent in 1904 to survey the progress on the railroad, and to study local geography and ethnography. Auler focused on two stretches of the line: between Damascus and Ma’an in southern Jordan, including the branch line to Haifa, and from Ma’an to Al-‘Ula in Arabia, 300 kilometers north of Medina. Auler’s reports, which remain among the most important sources on the Hejaz Railway, discuss the topography of the route; the local flora and fauna, including the termites who would eat away at the track’s wooden sleepers; the challenges in providing sufficient water and fuel; and the (possibly stereotyped) reaction of locals to the railway’s construction (in Peter Christiansen’s translation):

 

“The vividness with which they expressed their joy will remain unforgettable to me. As the men incessantly repeated a salutation in unanimous chorus, ‘May God give victory to our Sultan!’ there was an accompaniment of rhythmic clapping of hands while the women, with their characteristic high trills, produced strong pigeon-like cooing sounds in the highest treble.”

 

Auler’s reports, published in 1906 and 1908 in the influential journal Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen, were illustrated with photographs that he himself took along the route. The album in the National Library collection, it seems, contains prints from a later, 1907 journey which, for whatever reason, he deemed unsuitable for publication. While the subjects of the two sets of photos largely overlap, the album includes more portraits—of local Bedouin, workers, officials, and others—providing fascinating glimpses of individuals and daily life.

View from the train of Wadi Abu Taka on the new Hejaz Railway, 1907. Photo: Karl Lorenz Auler; from the  Pritzker Family National Photography Collection at the National Library of Israel. Click image to enlarge

How did the photographs get to the National Library of Israel? While we do not know what Auler did with the photographs after returning to Germany in 1908—he served in the First World War and then retired to the city of Ulm—somehow they made their way to Gotthold Weil (1882-1960), a noted German-Jewish scholar of Islam, especially Turkish and Arabic, and a former director of the National Library of Israel. Weil taught in Berlin and Frankfurt before immigrating to Palestine in 1934, and though Auler does not seem to be mentioned in Weil’s personal archive, now housed at the library, the two German Turkophiles would have had much in common. The one-of-a-kind album may even have been given by Auler to Weil as a personal gift. He donated it to the library’s collection in 1936.

 

You can view the rest of the photographs from this historic photo album, here.

This article is part of the Maktoub digital Islamic manuscripts project at the National Library of Israel.  Supported by the Arcadia Fund, Maktoub will provide free, global access to more than 2,500 rare Arabic, Persian, and Turkish manuscripts and books preserved at the Library, and to the stories behind their creation.

 

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